A History of Aragon and Catalonia. Alfonso II and Pedro IIbook Aragon in English. Spain.
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A History of Aragon and Catalonia. Alfonso II and Pedro II book History Aragon Aragon

Alfonso II and Pedro II

[66] Alliance with Castile against the Moors. Alfonso's French possessions. Pedro II. His marriage. His submission to the Pope. Social life in Southern France. The Albigeois heresy. Action of the Pope. St. Dominic. The Albigeois Crusade. Simon de Montfort. Spanish affairs. Las Navas de Tolosa. Pedro declares war upon De Montfort. Battle of Muret. Death of Pedro.

In 1162 the son of Ramon Berenguer IV of Barcelona began his reign as Alfonso II of Aragon. At this time the struggle against the Moors began to be conducted upon a new system, that of co-operation between the several kingdoms in the peninsula. Zones of reconquest were arranged; in 1151 and in 1179 treaties were made between Castile and Aragon, reserving to each the right of conquest within particular limits; Valencia was thus reserved to Aragon. Instances occur of help sent from one kingdom to another to accelerate the work of conquest; apart from the more general co-operation in so great a battle as Las Navas de Tolosa, we shall find James I of Aragon helping the King of Castile against the Moors of Murcia and Granada. Such action implies a growing sense of Spanish nationality, which may have been fostered in some degree by the growth of military and religious orders, such as that of the Temple, the organization and administration of which comprehended the whole of Spain.

Alfonso II was in alliance for many years with Alfonso VIII of Castile; apart from a formal bond of vassalage to Castile acknowledged by Aragon, the two monarchs had certain interests in common. Navarre had separated from Aragon after the death of the Battler, and had extended its boundaries; both kings wished to reduce it to its former limits, and while Navarre retained its independence, both Castile and Aragon annexed some parts of its frontier lands. [67] Both kings were besides anxious to push southwards, and the Aragonese ruler advanced his frontier as far as Teruel; the well-known fuero granted to this town became a model for others of the kind. Alfonso thus prepared the way for an attack upon Valencia; he twice defeated Moorish armies which invaded the province of Tarragona and finally captured Cuenca; had he not been hampered by the necessity of dealing with incursions from Navarre, he might have been able to push his conquests as far as Valencia itself. In 1179 he made the treaty above-mentioned with the King of Castile, in which the limits of future zones of conquest were fixed: [68] the water-sheds of the Júcar and Segura rivers were taken as the dividing line, the territory of Denia, south of Valencia, being thus secured to Aragon. Alfonso II also extended his influence and power on the north of the Pyrenees. In 1167 he inherited the County of Provence on the death of his cousin, Ramon Berenguer II; the Count of Toulouse who had married Ramon's daughter, Douce, laid claim to the succession, but Alfonso succeeded in asserting his rights with the help of some of the Provençal nobles. In 1172 he obtained by inheritance the County of Roussillon while Béarn and Bigorre did homage to him in 1187. These commitments involved Alfonso in various conflicts north of the Pyrenees; the Viscount of Béziers, for instance, had surrendered Carcassonne to the Count of Toulouse, and when Alfonso compelled the Viscount to do him homage, complications followed with regard to Carcassonne. Alfonso died in 1196; he was a poet and friend of the Lion Heart as well as a vigorous and upright ruler, who did not allow the traditional interests of Aragon in Southern France to overshadow those of his Moorish frontiers; the great defeat of Castile at Alarcos in 1196 by the last wave of Muslim invaders, the Almohades, must have embittered his last days of life. He left Aragon and Catalonia to his eldest son, Pedro II, and Provence to his next son, Alfonso.

Pedro II came to the throne at a critical time. The extension of his dominions to the north of the Pyrenees had brought upon him a number of difficult problems. The several feudal states in Southern France were constantly at variance among themselves, while it was obvious to any one with eyes to see, that sooner or later Northern France would desire to assert her supremacy over the South. Meanwhile Pedro did his best to avert the danger, and in order to secure some guarantee of peace he married his sisters Leonor and Sancha to Raimon VI and Raimon VII of Toulouse; in 1204 he himself married Maria, the Countess of Montpellier. She was the daughter of William VIII of Montpellier and Eudoxa Comnena, daughter of Manuel Comnenus, Emperor of Constantinople; Maria had been twice married before she became Queen of Aragon; her first husband, Barral of Marseilles, had died prematurely and her second, the Count of Comminges, who had two wives living at the time of his [69] union with Maria, had repudiated her. On the death of her father she found herself the heiress to Montpellier, as the sons were illegitimate; the offer of her hand seems to have come from the citizens of Montpellier, no doubt in the hope of extending their commerce with Aragon, while Pedro was glad to secure another outpost against attacks by Northern France. The marriage was not a success; Pedro was a faithless and dissolute husband and the birth of his son, James, is said to have been the result of a deception by which his wife was substituted for another lady of his fancy. He repudiated Maria, and she appealed to Rome and obtained a decision in her favour; she died in 1213, a few months before her husband was killed in battle.

Pedro took a further measure of precaution which aroused much dissatisfaction among his subjects; he acknowledged the feudal supremacy of the Papacy and was crowned at Rome by Innocent III in 1204, undertaking to defend the Catholic faith, to respect the privileges and immunities of the Church and to fight against heresy; he also promised that his kingdom should pay an annual tribute to the Papacy as a feudal vassal, in return for which the Pope and his successors were to defend Pedro and his subjects with their apostolic authority. Pedro received or assumed the title of Católico, but his action was greeted with unanimous disfavour by both his Aragonese and Catalan subjects, who declined to ratify it. His ostensible reason was his desire to secure the support of the Pope and the help of the Genoese for an attack upon the Balearic Islands; there is little doubt that his real purpose was to strengthen his position in the South of France. The numerous petty lords in that region were constantly at variance with one another; the complicated claims and grievances that arose from the interconnection of feudal obligations and marriage alliances were never at rest and the settlement of them would have taxed the wisdom of Solomon to the uttermost. Court quarrelled with court and cities were sometimes divided within themselves; Toulouse was torn by internal sedition from 1181 to 1188, and similar disturbances at Arles in 1191 were so violent that Pope Celestin II was obliged to order the local Archbishop to intervene. At the same time the general character of society both in courts and towns was in keeping [70] with that of the degenerate Roman society which they had replaced. Towns were wealthy, courts were luxurious; an aristocratic and leisured class existed with time and taste for art and literature, which, like commerce, was stimulated by communication with the Mediterranean countries. Troubadour poetry, which depended for its existence upon a class of cultured patrons, flourished in such an environment; and the fact that lyric poetry was developed to the highest degree of technical perfection, while epic poetry forms no real part of Provençal literature, was the natural result of existing conditions. There was a certain general enthusiasm at the time of the Crusades; there was a certain general opposition to Northern France; but there was no sense of nationalism because there was no central point d'appui round which any tendencies to unity could centre. Particularism or parochialism was the prevailing political tendency, and was reflected in a literature entirely personal, artificial to a degree and intensely aristocratic.

Those circumstances which favoured the spread and development of art and literature in Southern France also stimulated the growth of more sinister influences. The twelfth century had seen an intellectual renaissance, a growing interest in the study of philosophy and law, which led to freedom of speculation upon matters ecclesiastical and religious. Throughout the eleventh century wandering teachers of strange doctrines had been perambulating Europe; in course of time some of these succeeded in founding sects and the South of France was invariably the most fruitful field of their labour. This is not the place to discuss the obscure and difficult problem of the origin of the so-called Albigensian heresy; its enemies almost invariably regarded it as a variety of Manichean dualism; others have retraced it to the early centuries of the Christian era and suggest that it was a development of the adoptionism which has already been noted as appearing in Spain, and which appears to have passed from Armenia to the Balkan peninsula and thence to Italy and Germany. In any case, the heresy was not an isolated movement, but was in continuity with beliefs prevalent in other parts of Europe. It was a poor man's heresy and emerged into the light of history only when it happened to attract large masses of people or aristocratic [71] adherents. It was also a pre-Reformation movement, essentially in opposition to Roman catholicism and sustained by popular indignation against the dissolute and scandalous character of the Roman Catholic clergy. Albi was the first headquarters of the heresy, but Toulouse soon became the real centre of it. The Vaudois heresy which appeared at Lyons about the same time was a schismatic, not a heretic movement. The Vaudois objected to the profligacy and worldliness of the orthodox clergy, but did not quarrel with Church doctrine. The Albigenses were no less zealous than the Vaudois in reproving Church abuses and in setting an example of purity of life; but they also differed profoundly from the Church in matters of doctrine.

Pedro's own dominions south of the Pyrenees were by no means free from this infection; but in Southern France it was clear that the authority of the Church was doomed, unless she took vigorous measure to assert it. The evil was of long standing. Pope Calixtus II had attempted as early as 1119 to check the spread of it by decrees issued at a council held at Toulouse and since that date a regular series of councils had called attention to the growth of the movement. Innocent III was fully aware of the danger; he sent two commissioners in the summer of 1199 with full powers to act, but little effect was produced. They were replaced in 1202, but the local clergy were jealous of them or anxious not to be disturbed in their own manner of life; the Archbishop of Narbonne, whom Innocent rebuked in one of his most violent letters, declined even to accompany them on their journey, and other bishops were no less refractory. Pedro felt that he must intervene and a public conference was held in February 1204 at Carcassonne between the heretics and the orthodox prelates under his presidency; he was obliged to admit that the charge of heresy was proved. Innocent was convinced that spiritual weapons were useless and determined to use force. He increased the number of his legates and proclaimed a state of martial law throughout the country. He required Philippe Auguste and his son Louis with the barons and nobles of Northern France to take up arms against the heretics, and indulgences and absolutions were liberally promised to all who should join in the crusade. It was the last stage in the development of the crusade [72] movement; originally begun to recover the Holy Sepulchre, it had been extended against the avowed enemies of Christianity in other countries. Now the movement was to be turned against erring members of the Church, and hence-forward, in a metaphor much abused at that time, the crusader was not only to destroy the wolf, but to drive the vagrant sheep back to the fold of the Roman Church.

Innocent's appeal was fruitless. Philippe Auguste had already gained an indulgence as a crusader to the Holy Land; he was occupied with the provinces which he had regained from John of England and did not wish to incur further responsibilities for the moment. In June of 1205 Innocent attempted to attract Pedro by a promise of all the territory that he might acquire from the heretics, and in 1206 he raised the bribe by the addition of all property owned by heretics. Pedro rescued the castle of Escure, a papal possession, from the hands of the Albigenses, but did nothing further. He was apparently resolved to temporize; as feudal lord of Provence and other districts, he could not tolerate foreign interference; but since such an attitude would identify him with heresy, he had made his submission to Rome, in the vain hope that some means might be found of separating the religious from the political question. His brother-in-law, Raimon of Toulouse, was no heretic himself, and like most of his nobles, was indifferent to the claims of religion; living in the most brilliant and cultivated court of Europe, a protector of troubadours and jongleurs, popular among his subjects and surrounded by every luxury that the civilization of the age could provide, he could not be expected to plunge his territories into civil war for the benefit of a Church in which he felt no special interest and the venality and corruption of which were patent to all the world. Pedro could not but admit the cogency of such considerations.

In the summer of 1206 the papal legates met at Montpellier, admitted that their mission had been fruitless and proposed to abandon their efforts. At this moment a Spanish prelate entered the town, Diego de Azevedo, Bishop of Osma, accompanied by the sub-prior of his church, Domingo de Guzmán, afterwards the famous St. Dominic. Both were returning from Rome to Spain and hearing the despondent accounts of the legates, Diego urged them to [73] persevere, to put away the retinues and rich apparel which exposed them to the derision of the heretics and to go preaching from town to town in apostolic poverty. The privilege of preaching was guarded by the Church and the itinerants were obliged to apply to Innocent for permission; his consent began the movement which was to produce the famous order of Dominican preachers. Their efforts met with little success; the Pope excommunicated Raimon of Toulouse and laid an interdict upon his territory; but his letters and the representations of his legate, Pierre de Castelnau, were disregarded; the King of France was unwilling to consider fresh proposals for a crusade, and the situation seemed to be hopeless, when it was profoundly changed by an unexpected event of which the Papacy took full advantage. Pierre de Castelnau had accused Raimon of perjury and treachery to the Church and had so wrought upon his feelings that Raimon invited the papal legates to a conference at Saint-Gilles, at which he promised to submit to the ruling of the Church. From this point the narratives of either side are so contradictory that the truth will never be determined; but the fact is clear that the Count and the legates parted in anger and that the next day, January 15, 1209, Pierre de Castelnau was murdered, when about to cross the Rhone, by a member of Raimon's court. The general excitement was comparable only with that aroused by the murder of a Becket thirty-eight years previously, and the Pope, though not convinced of Raimon's guilt ("valde suspectus" was his phrase four years later), had no hesitation in turning the murder to the advantage of the Church. He sent letters to the King of France and to, his principal nobles, calling on them to take the cross in defence of the Church; he undertook to arrange a two-years' armistice between France and England; the Cistercian order resolved to preach the crusade in every country likely to send help and numbers of monks travelled through Europe, stirring up popular fanaticism and offering salvation upon easy terms to every crusader; criminals, debtors and needy adventurers flocked, in numbers to the invading host to secure immunity for their persons or profit for their purses. The long-standing jealousy between the North and the South, amounting practically to racial antagonism, now came to definite expression. It was [74] inevitable that sooner or later an attempt at the unification of France should be made, slow as the French king was to seize the opportunity afforded by the growth of the heresy and the appeals of the Pope. For nearly a century the material for a conflagration had been accumulating and the murder of the papal legate proved to be the torch which fired the pile. This racial difference was soon apparent in the course of the crusade; while there are many instances in which orthodox southerners helped heretics to repel the invaders, cases in which they joined the side of the crusaders are comparatively rare; heretics are even found depositing money and jewels with churchmen for safe keeping. The crusade soon lost its specifically religious purpose and assumed the character of a racial struggle.

The crusaders concentrated at Lyons in the summer of 1209 and, after the capture of some insignificant places, covered themselves with infamy by the notorious massacre of Béziers, after which they proceeded to attack Carcassonne. At this point Pedro II intervened and attempted to secure a pacific settlement, but without success; the town was captured after a resistance which inflicted much loss upon the crusaders and the Viscount, Raimon Roger, Pedro's vassal, was imprisoned until his death which occurred shortly afterwards. The conquered territory was refused by several of the chief nobles among the invaders, who were disgusted by the cruelty and treachery with which the campaign had been conducted; eventually Simon, the fourth Count of Montfort, was recognized by the crusaders as Lord of Béziers and Carcassonne and as the future leader of the crusade, a position which he held until his death in 1218. A tall, well-built and commanding figure with regular features and long hair is the picture drawn of him by the chroniclers; to courage, ambition and tenacity, he added military talents of no mean order, as he had shown in the course of the Fourth Crusade. He was the second son of Simon III of Montfort and Amicia, daughter of Robert Beaumont, third Earl of Leicester; the earldom had passed to Simon in 1203. His immediate anxiety was to secure recognition of his rights from Pedro, and to do homage to him for the Viscounty of Carcassonne; Pedro seems to have thought that he could secure the defeat of the crusade, [75] if he made proper use of his advantages. The Pope was well disposed towards him, and had shown a leniency towards Raimon of Toulouse which had disappointed the fanatical crusaders; there was no enthusiasm in the South for the cause of the Church as such; it was difficult to keep the crusaders together; after serving the forty days which qualified them for an indulgence, they were anxious to return home, and De Montfort could never be certain how many efficient soldiers he would have at his command. Pedro thought that he might both defeat the crusade and tighten his hold over the provinces which already acknowledged his dominion, perhaps even adding to their number. He therefore put De Montfort off with promises and fomented revolts in the territory which the crusaders had overrun.
But in 1211 he found that his hopes were not likely to be realized; affairs in Spain also demanded his attention and he therefore made a convention with De Montfort, whom he recognized as the Lord of Béziers and Carcassonne, and agreed also that his son James should marry De Montfort's daughter; James, then three years of age, was left in De Montfort's care, and Pedro returned to Spain.

After the crushing defeat of Alarcos which the Almohades inflicted upon Alfonso VIII of Castile on July 19, 1195, that King had succeeded in repairing his shattered fortunes. His quarrel with Leon had been settled by a marriage alliance; in conjunction with Aragon, he had reduced Navarre to impotence. The advance of Aragon in Valencia and incursions made by the Castilians in Andalucía had alarmed the Moors who began to concentrate their forces for a decisive battle. Alfonso sent appeals for help to all the Spanish kingdoms, to Portugal and to the Pope. The Pope proclaimed a crusade and a great number of foreigners came to Castile, but are said to have withdrawn as soon as the campaign began, disheartened by the heat and the hardships of Spanish warfare. All the Spanish kingdoms, with the exception of Leon, were represented in the forces of Alfonso, which fought the great battle of Las Navas de Tolosa on July 16, 1212. Alfonso gained a complete victory which placed most of Andalucía in his power and accelerated the internal discord which was beginning to undermine the power of the Almohades. Pedro II took a prominent part in this battle which finally determined the success of the Reconquista and [76] marked an important step in the path to some kind of national unity in Spain. Events in France then obliged him to return across the Pyrenees.

De Montfort and his party had renewed the war against Raimon of Toulouse whom they were determined to drive out of his possessions. Raimon had retired to Toulouse, his strongest fortress, with the Counts of Foix and Comminges and sent an urgent appeal to Pedro for help. The Pope, in an attempt to satisfy Pedro, ordered that a council should be held at Lavaur, where the parties were to consider if any settlement were possible. Pedro attended the council which began on January 15, 1213, and requested the crusading party to restore to the counts the lands which had been taken from them. The assembled prelates declined to consider any proposal of the kind and Pedro therefore appealed to the Pope. His representatives were able to show that the crusade party were acting rather in their own interests than in furtherance of the Catholic faith; clerics and laymen alike had seized livings and lands to which they had no shadow of claim. Innocent wrote a vigorous letter to De Montfort, accusing him of unnecessary aggression and suggesting that the time for pacific measures had come. Pedro also succeeded in inducing the King of France to stop the expected contingents of crusaders from setting out, on the ground that the Pope intended to enforce a peaceful settlement. But De Montfort's party hastened to Rome and told a very different tale; the Pope, in perplexity, ordered both parties to suspend operations until he could send a trustworthy legate to examine the situation and deal justly with both sides. Pedro, relying on the fact that De Montfort would gain no reinforcements from France and convinced that his party was determined to ruin Raimon of Toulouse, while papal action might be indefinitely delayed, resolved upon war. By August 1213 he had reached Toulouse with a considerable army which included two thousand of the Aragonese and Catalan nobility. The nobles who upheld the cause of Toulouse were not roused to any great enthusiasm by the arrival of their Spanish ally. They doubtless suspected him of a design to secure the suzerainty of Southern France, but they were too far pledged to withdraw, and accordingly the allied force advanced upon Muret, a little town on the [77] Garonne, some three leagues from Toulouse which was held for De Montfort by a small garrison. A number of boats brought up munitions of war and supplies and were moored a short distance above the town. The numbers of the allied troops are far from certain; the lowest estimate of contemporary writers puts the infantry at 30,000, while the garrison of Muret is agreed to have consisted of no more than some 700 men, ill-armed and badly provisioned. The crusading cavalry (the battle as usual at this period was a cavalry action) was barely 900 strong, while that of the allies must have amounted to 3000 at least.

The town of Muret lay in the angle formed by the confluence of the Louge with the Garonne, was surrounded by walls and was also protected by a bourg or citadel of considerable strength which lay at the apex of the angle formed by the two rivers. On the left bank of the Louge a plain extends northwards bounded by the Garonne on the east and by the rising ground of Perramon on the west; the central portion of this plain was marshy in winter, but covered with grass [78] in summer; its character is still attested by its name, Les Pesquiès, the Marshes. On the north-east of the marsh rises a little stream which runs into the Garonne through a depression some thirty yards wide with steep banks. In this plain was fought the battle of Muret, the decisive conflict of the crusade. Pedro and his allies reached Muret on September 10; De Montfort had started in the same direction as soon as he heard of Pedro's movements, but did not arrive until the evening of the following day, Wednesday, September 11, 1213. He found that the besiegers had already secured one of the gates and had driven the garrison into the citadel, but as he approached they withdrew to their camp and made no attempt to oppose the entrance of the crusaders, probably hoping that they would capture De Montfort, together with the garrison of Muret, when they renewed the assault. In the course of the evening the Viscount of Corbeil, whom De Montfort had previously informed of his movements, arrived with reinforcements; but the papal legate and the ecclesiastics who accompanied the crusaders, grew alarmed at their numerical inferiority and wished to negotiate for peace. The attempt was made by Folquet, the former troubadour and now the fanatical Bishop of Toulouse, as it was thought that his own townspeople might listen to him. However, Pedro rejected their proposals and negotiations were cut short by the advance of the besiegers to renew the assault. De Montfort assembled his forces in the marketplace of the town and after delivering a harangue, in which he especially urged them to charge in close order and to avoid single combats, led them out of the walls through the gate on the road to Sales. They then crossed the Louge and found themselves on the plain of Muret, facing the enemy. Raimon, who knew that the provisions of the besieged were exhausted, wished to continue the assault upon the west side of the town and if De Montfort should make a sortie, to await his attack in the fortified camp. Pedro, however, rejected this cautious proposal as unworthy of a knight and proposed to offer battle in the plain; he even changed armour with one of his knights that he might fight in the front rank, instead of directing operations at the head of the reserves. His confidence in the issue of the conflict was boundless.

[79] De Montfort had divided his troops into three squadrons and the first of these began by charging the infantry and cavalry who were assaulting the town. Taken by surprise, the latter were scattered and fell back upon Pedro's army in the plain, upon which the same squadron immediately charged; at the same time a second squadron rushed forward and crashed into Pedro's ranks almost simultaneously with the first. During this struggle Pedro was killed and his cavalry began to retreat; De Montfort then led forward his remaining squadron against a body of troops which he could see on the enemy's left. From these he was separated by some marshy ground; but a crossing was found and this movement decided the victory; Pedro's forces were driven from the field in hopeless confusion. Meanwhile, Raimon's militia had turned to resume the assault upon the town. They had not been permitted or were unwilling to engage in open battle with the knights and presumed that their Spanish allies had been victorious. They were speedily undeceived. De Montfort's knights, returning from the pursuit, surprised and scattered them in all directions. Many were killed, some attempted to regain their camp, and the greater part fled to the ships which had brought up provisions and materials of war from Toulouse. The number of killed and wounded cannot be estimated; the chroniclers assert that some fifteen or twenty thousand were killed when De Montfort's cavalry returned towards the town, a number impossibly large. Most of the Aragonese knights are said to have fallen; among them was Hue or Hugo de Mataplana (a mountain castle near Ripoll); he was a troubadour himself, three of his compositions remain to us, and was perhaps even better known as a patron of poetry in his sumptuous court, where troubadours were welcomed and rewarded, as Raimon Vidal de Besalú describes in one of his versified nouvelles.

De Montfort's victory was entirely unexpected and the moral effect of it was immense.
Not only had he defeated a far superior force, but one commanded by a king who had enhanced a great military reputation at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in the previous year; such was his renown that the victors themselves were ready to ascribe their success to divine intervention. They were pious men, who had received absolution at the hands of Folquet and had gazed [80] upon a fragment of the true Cross, exhibited by him before the battle; the Aragonese had spent the night in debauchery and Pedro, according to his son's chronicle, was too sleepy in the morning to listen to the reading of the Gospel. The fact is, that De Montfort was the only leader who showed some glimmering of tactical ability; he succeeded in attacking his enemy in detail, and was able to make his force charge home, disregarding the medieval habit of selecting an opponent for individual combat. His men were also inspired with religious enthusiasm and with the further knowledge that they were fighting with their backs to the wall; there were no provisions in Muret and no chance of support if they were defeated. They had the advantage of fighting under an energetic and determined leader, whereas the counsels of their enemies were divided and some of them had no great faith in the disinterestedness of Pedro. By this victory the ultimate domination of the North over the South of France and the ultimate unification of the country was made possible; the pretensions of Aragon were also ended; in spite of the fact that the war dragged on for many years the kings of Aragon made no serious attempt to recover what they had lost; their energies were fully occupied in other parts of the Mediterranean world.

This work was originally published by Methuan Publishing Ltd. in 1933.
Pagination of the original edition is indicated set off in brackets, as in [19].

Ample your information on Aragon

If you want to extend your information on Aragon you can begin crossing another interesting route is the Mudejar, Patrimony of the Humanity, also you can extend your cultural knowledge on Aragon examining its municipal and institutional heraldry without forgetting, of course, some of its emblematics figures as Saint George Pattern of Aragon also book of Aragon.

Also Aragon enjoys a diverse and varied Nature where passing by plants, animals or landscapes we can arrive at a fantastic bestiario that lives in its monuments.

The information will not be complete without a stroll by its three provinces: Zaragoza, Teruel and Huesca and his shines, with shutdown in some of its spectacular landscapes like Ordesa, the Moncayo or by opposition the Ebro.

Also you can dedicarte to the intangible ones: from the legend compilation that also does to universal Aragon you can persecute the presence of del Santo Grial in Aragon.

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A History of Aragon and Catalonia. Alfonso II and Pedro II

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